(1) Despite progress and an estimated annual growth rate of nearly 10 percent, Ethiopia remains one of the poorest and most famine-prone countries in the world, with more than half of the population of 78,000,000 living on less than $1 per day.
(2) Since the collapse of the Derg and overthrow of the Mengistu regime in 1991, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)-led government has overseen the introduction of a multiparty system and the drafting of a new constitution that guarantees economic, social, and cultural rights and states that ‘human and democratic rights of peoples and citizens shall be protected.’
(3) Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a bloody border war between 1998 and 2000, and, despite the Algiers Accord ending the conflict and the agreement to abide by the final and biding Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission (EEBC) arbitration, the Government of Ethiopia has refused to comply with the final physical demarcation of the border and the Government of Eritrea has virtually expelled the United Nations peacekeeping force, resulting in a high risk of renewed fighting and regional instability.
(4) Following high turnout and marked improvement in pre-election campaigning and voting in the third general elections of the Government of Ethiopia held on May 15, 2005, widespread charges of violations in the finally tallying and inadequate response to opposition complaints resulted in observer findings that the elections failed to satisfy international standards.
(5) Subsequent opposition progress led to a crackdown by EPRDF security forces in which 763 civilians were injured and 193 killed, and thousands more opposition party leaders and their followers were detained, 112 of whom were not released until the summer of 2007.
(6) In its 2007 ‘Countries at a Crossroads’ report, Freedom House noted that ‘[i]ncreased threats to and violations of civil liberties were a consequence of the political tensions that sprang from the flawed 2005 elections.’
(7) In December 2006, military forces of the Government of Ethiopia came to the aid of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government against the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and continue to serve as the primary security force for the United Nations-backed transitional government in Mogadishu.
(8) Credible nongovernmental organizations report widespread violations of human rights and international law by the Ethiopian military in Mogadishu and other areas of Somalia, as well as in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia.
(9) According to the Department of State’s 2007 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, ‘human rights abuses [in Ethiopia] . . . include: limitation on citizens’ right to change their government during the most recent elections; unlawful killings, and beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention . . . use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counter-insurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of the press; etc.’
(10) The Department of State’s 2007 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices also stated that ‘[Ogaden National Liberation Front] ONLF forces . . . were responsible for widespread human rights abuses, including killings and the diversion of food supplies resulting in the displacement of thousands of persons.’
(11) In June 2007, in response to this violence, including the deadly April 2007 attacks on a Chinese oil exploration site in the Ogaden and at a May 2007 political rally, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, announced that the Government of Ethiopia was launching a ‘political and military operation to contain the activities of the ONLF,’ which, according to credible reports, has resulted in the displacement of thousands of civilians to government-designated ‘protection zones,’ while thousands more have fled across Ethiopia’s borders.
(12) Although the Government of Ethiopia has legitimate security concerns in the Ogaden, and, according to the Department of State’s 2007 Country Report on Terrorism, ‘Ethiopian forces [also] countered Somali-based extremists who attempted to conduct attacks inside Ethiopia,’ a number of credible media accounts, human rights organizations, and humanitarian agencies have documented the ENDF’s unjustifiably brutal tactics against its own citizens there, as has been previously been reported in other regions of the country including Oromiya, Amhara, and Gambella.
(13) In May 2008, the Government of Ethiopia circulated a draft law that claims to be a tool to enhance the transparency and accountability of civil society organizations, but if enacted, is instead likely to create a complex web of onerous bureaucratic hurdles, draconian criminal penalties, and intrusive powers of surveillance that would further decrease the political space available for civil society activities.
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