Monday, January 19, 2009

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

It is time to close ranks against an arrogant and abusive dictatorship in Ethiopia! It is time for all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to come together and stand up against Evil. As the old saying goes, “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is that good men and women do nothing."

Today Evil has triumphed in Ethiopia, and good Ethiopian men and women must forge solidarity to rescue their country from the clutches of a malignant dictator. A thuggish dictatorship in Ethiopia is on a crime spree: a leading opposition figure is snatched off the street and slammed into prison to serve out a life sentence. Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, President of Unity, Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP), is put back in prison because she expressed a personal opinion about the “pardon” she received following her conviction in a kangaroo court. Peaceful and lawful political parties and organizations are under the constant threat of dissolution, mindless bureaucratic control and regulation and vindictive prosecutions. Opposition political leaders and dissidents remain under 24-hour surveillance, relentless harassment and intimidation. Members of the independent press are subjected to police

interrogation, constant harassment, arbitrary arrests, detentions and persecution. The charity work of international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Ethiopia has been criminalized; and by “law”, they are prohibited from working on human rights issues in the country. Human Rights Watch predicted that this pretentious and asinine law “will make Ethiopia one of the most inhospitable places in the world for both Ethiopian and international human rights groups.”




Human rights violations in Ethiopia in the past year have intensified as thousands of political prisoners are held in detention facilities throughout the country in violation of the “laws” and “constitution” of the country, and international law. The country’s limited resources continue to be squandered on a misbegotten war. The ruling thugs in Ethiopia have been accused of committing war crimes on a massive scale in Somalia, and crimes against humanity against Ethiopians. Famine threatens to destroy one-quarter of the Ethiopian population as the dictators sip on Remy Martin Louis XIII cognac and throw lavish balls and galas to entertain themselves. The cost of living in Ethiopia has reached astronomical levels, depriving the vast majority of Ethiopians the capacity to earn a living or feed their families. The corrupt and decadent plutocracy and its lackeys continue to rapaciously plunder the country’s economy and resources. Cumulatively, the ruling thugs have propelled Ethiopia to the top of the list of failed states in the world.

Against this background, pro-democracy Ethiopians in the Diaspora have remained organizationally fragmented, politically divided and remain incapable of working collaboratively with each other. Leaders and representatives of political parties have been unable to forge solidarity and common purpose to oppose a ruthless dictatorship. They have failed to provide adequate leadership, guidance and direction to the struggle. As a result, there is much disillusionment and disappointment among Diaspora Ethiopians. Some feel betrayed by those whose political or civic leadership has fallen short; they are turned off by politics. Many have reached a low point of pessimism and believe that it is impossible to create solidarity among Diaspora Ethiopians. They say it is impossible to unite the Ethiopian Diaspora because there are just “too many differences. They say we don’t like to admit our mistakes or to ask forgiveness for them. They say we are more concerned about getting credit for doing something than delivering results. They say we lack trust in each other, and we are quick to undermine each other’s efforts than building upon them. Others have vowed never to be involved in politics; others harbor contempt for those involved in it. There are also many who have vowed never to quit their efforts to resist dictatorship and defend democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. These Ethiopians reject the politics of self-defeatism and capitulation, and firmly embrace the power of collective action.


Then there is PERCEPTION. Ethiopians in the Diaspora have become the laughing stock of dictators who often remind us with contempt that we are a do-nothing group of whiners who can not even talk to each other civilly let alone unite and present a credible alternative to their brutal dictatorship. They taunt us “to go into the bush and fight our way to political power” as they did. They hold us insomuch contempt that they have the audacity to say publicly that we can be bought and sold for thirty pieces of silver — or a promise for plot of land, a government job, duty-free imports and the illusion of access to power. They talk about our principles and integrity in the same manner as brokers talk about commodities on the Chicago Board of Trade. They insult our intelligence by telling us cock-and-bull stories about gold worth millions of dollars walking out of the front door of the banks and other stories fit for kindergartners. But perception is reality and what we believe about ourselves and what our adversaries think about us are important. We must deal with both perceptions and realities.

We have now come to the crossroads: We must close ranks and deal with the reality of a ruthless dictatorship and dispel perceptions of Diasporic impotence and dysfunctionality through collective, concerted and decisive actions.

Let’s Open Hearts and Minds!

One of the biggest realities today for Diaspora Ethiopians is the fact that we are in a lose-lose situation in opposing the ruling thugs in Ethiopia. Because of our fragmentation and inability to forge a common democratic front and maintain solidarity, we have been unable to act effectively and help our people in the motherland. Because we have been unable to learn from our past mistakes, make corrections and come to a collective resolution on an action plan to help overcome the challenges facing the Motherland, we find ourselves in a state of political paralysis. Because we have been locked into a zero-sum game where only one side wins and the other sides always loses, we find ourselves in an endless loop of lose-lose outcomes. Because we have been concerned with turf — some political leaders want to maintain insularity and primacy, some civic society leaders run their organizations through a narrow field of vision, political and civic groups often compete for the same base of membership often resulting in conflict and antagonisms, etc. — we have been unable to focus our collective energies on the enormous tasks before us.

We must transform this lose-lose situation into a win-win situation through a process of cooperation, collaboration, partnership and team work for the ultimate benefit of the Ethiopian people. But a win-win situation requires concerted, determined and relentless effort to change hearts and minds, beginning with each individual.

Change must first come in our hearts. Ethiopians in the Diaspora need to come to a new understanding that transcends the bitterness, petty grudges, personal animus and hatred, recrimination and distrust of the past. The reason is simple: the motherland is suffering! At a time when lawful internal opposition is crushed, dissent stamped out, human rights trampled upon, famine is spreading like wildfire, we cannot afford to stand by idly suspicious and distrustful of each other. We have a higher duty that requires us to purge our hearts of thoughts and feelings that weaken us as a unified democratic opposition. The time has come to take a stand, to make a public declaration that “our differences are far less important than the urgent need to work together in the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.” We must replace the self-defeatism and self-doubt which weighs heavily on our hearts today with the courage of a can-do spirit and defiance in the face of Evil. We must stop practicing the politics of personal destruction of our allies and potential allies in the cause and embrace the politics of collective reconciliation and consensus-building. We must begin to cultivate a genuine sense of brotherhood and sisterhood.

We must also open our minds. Many of us in the Diaspora confuse symptoms in the Ethiopian body politics with the real disease afflicting the Ethiopian nation. Zenawi’s dictatorship is a symptom of a more fundamental disease of poverty of democratic culture, institutions and practices afflicting Ethiopian society. If Zenawi left tomorrow, the symptom that manifested itself in his dictatorship may be removed, but the disease of despotism, intolerance of dissent, narrow-mindedness and prejudice will not be gone with him. Zenawi replaced his intellectual mentor Mengistu; and in the end, he managed to refine his mentor’s reign of terror to a new level of cruelty and depravity. We must open our minds and develop rational approaches, long-term strategies and initiatives to create a win-win situation.

Opening our minds requires a number of steps. First, we must change the way we think about, understand and react to the problems of dictatorship and democracy-building in Ethiopia. We must critically examine our assumptions about our understanding of the current dictatorship and the dire situation it has created in Ethiopia today. We must ask fundamental questions: Who is in control of Ethiopia today? Alternatively, who is NOT in control in Ethiopia today? Can Ethiopians deviously fragmented into ethnic, regional, linguistic, etc., groups ever be able to control their country or destiny? How can Ethiopians rescue their country from the clutches of criminal thugs? 2) We must develop a new understanding of the issues and problems in a broader context. When a dictator arbitrarily jails leading opposition leaders, bans civil society, decimates the independent press and sneers at the rule of law, is that a triumph of dictatorship or failure of a united democratic opposition? Alternatively, if pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians could come to a consensus that a dictatorship of thugs is the central problem of governance in Ethiopia today, is it possible to oppose such thugs by relying on the old strategies of one-upmanship, duplicity, intrigue, turf-protection, recriminations and working at cross-purposes?

Second, we must also develop a new approach — a new paradigm — to the struggle for democracy in Ethiopia based on an express commitment to a set of core values and principles that will enable us to defer our differences for another time. Our core values must be built on two compelling philosophical principles: 1) Our humanity must always rise above our ethnicity, nationality, religiosity, Africanity or Ethiopianity. 2) No one can be truly free in Ethiopia unless ALL Ethiopians are free. If we subscribe to these two core principles, open our minds and hearts and collectively pull together, we will soon find ourselves in a win-win situation.

But let us be absolutely clear about our New Paradigm: We are not concerned about a particular dictator or his long criminal record. Our new paradigm is about the future of the country we would like our children to inherit. For that reason alone, our goal is to win the hearts and minds of Ethiopians both at home and in the Diaspora by appealing to their innate sense of humanity, decency, dignity, compassion, thirst for freedom and yearning for human rights and the rule of law. This is our turnaround. When thugs use force and violence to enforce their rule, we must use reason and truth to empower the people and liberate their spirits. When thugs use intimidation and harassment to control the people, we must use knowledge and facts to expand their intellectual horizons. When thugs make the people their enemies by acts of unspeakably cruelty, we must make friends with them by spreading the gospel of freedom and human rights among them, and forging a common bond in their suffering and yearning for democracy. Opposing dictatorship is not the problem. Everybody (except the dictators) agrees it is a bad thing. But what is needed is consensus to build a viable and effective pro-democracy movement in the Diaspora. In our new paradigm, the central issue will be how to get all Ethiopians who believe in freedom, democracy and human rights involved and engaged in a pro-democracy movement. That is why we are calling for a convention of Diaspora Ethiopians which is inclusive of all segments of society — political leaders and their support groups, grassroots advocates and activists, civil society and religious organizations and their members, media representatives and concerned individuals — to join in and facilitate this grand dialogue at a Diaspora convention.

Let’s Meet and Shake Hands!

So how do we begin this long and difficult journey? We begin by shaking hands and making a personal commitment to participate in a new dialogue. We begin by working to create opportunities to meet and greet our “adversaries” in the pro-democracy movement with open arms, open hearts and open minds. We begin by accepting responsibility for past mistakes without playing the blame or victimhood game. We begin by acknowledging each other’s vital importance to the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, and expressing genuine appreciation to each other for taking the first steps in the direction of consensus-building and concerted action. As we shake hands, it will be necessary to check in our egos, our past grudges, and the bitterness of the past at the gate. There is no place for them at the convention. We shall begin the enormous task ahead with a compassionate heart, clear conscience, critical mind, and liberated spirit.

A Diaspora Convention and Manifesto: Let’s Get Busy in 2009!

Our preliminary task is to establish a mechanism to facilitate the planning of an all Diaspora Ethiopians convention to develop an agenda which focuses on democracy, freedom and the protection of human rights in Ethiopia. There are preliminary steps to be taken in that direction. First, Ethiopian Diaspora communities throughout the world need to begin discussions on the viability, timeliness and appropriateness of an all Ethiopia Diaspora convention at this point in our history. We believe there is a groundswell of interest in such an effort based on the massive input we have received from many groups and individuals. Second, we need to initiate broad discussion about the core issues that bind Diaspora Ethiopians. We believe there is widespread support among Diaspora Ethiopians on the need to work together on the issues of democratic institution-building, institutionalization of basic freedoms and protection of human rights. Third, we need to prepare ourselves to come to an agreement on a Diaspora Ethiopian Manifesto which provides a clear statement of who we are and what we stand for. We believe it is necessary to provide a public declaration of principles and intentions of our efforts to ensure maximum transparency and accountability.

In taking these preliminary steps, we must be mindful of what it takes to do it right. First, the dialogue must be open to all who agree on the core issues of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. There shall be no precondition for participation in the dialogue except for philosophical agreement on the two core principles mentioned above. Second, leadership and active participation in the dialogue must not be left entirely to the usual suspects — the academics, the political and civic leaders and the partisan advocates. All segments of the Ethiopian Diaspora community must take ownership of the dialogue. Most of all, the involvement and participation of the younger generation of Ethiopians and women is paramount. Effective activism requires active involvement of these two segments of the population. Young people and women bring dynamism, energy, fresh ideas, and renewed commitment to the cause. If there is any doubt about the enormous role women can play in defending freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, one need only look at the heroic contributions of Birtukan Mideksa. It is not surprising that Birtukan should be the ultimate symbol of courage and defiance against the thuggish dictatorship in Ethiopia. We should insist on the full engagement of women and young people in this dialogue.

The dialogue we hope to begin in earnest must be tightly structured. We must make a clean break with the troubled dialogue of the past which emphasized ethnic, linguistic and regional differences, historical grievances and political or ideological differences. We must make explicit commitments to defer for another time such issues and focus on the core issues freedom, democracy and human rights. If we can do that, I believe 2009 will prove to be a watershed year. In 2009, we may be able to get pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians to speak in one voice to defend democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. We have cause for great optimism. Where dictators draw their strength from the barrel of a gun, we draw our powers from the wisdom, compassion, goodness, spiritual and moral strength of our people and ancient culture. Our people are waiting for a new message of hope from across the seas. To date, they hear a cacophony of noises that grate their ears and ache their hearts. We have a duty to mend their aching hearts with a clear message that says Ethiopians in the Diaspora have resolved to speak in one voice for the cause of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia.

Past Mistakes and Future Greatness: A Call and a Plea to the Ethiopian Diaspora to Open Dialogue Only on One Question: What is Good for the Country Our Children Will Inherit?

President-elect Barack Obama recently posed a central question to the American people: “It is time to put good ideas ahead of the old ideological battles, a sense of common purpose above the same narrow partisanship, and insist that the first question each of us asks isn't ‘What's good for me?’ but ‘What's good for the country my children will inherit?’” We must pose the same question to Diaspora Ethiopians: “What’s good for the country our children will inherit?” Put differently, is the Ethiopia that is good for Zenawi and his thugs the Ethiopia we would like our children to inherit? Barack obviously understood that Americans do not want their children to inherit an America that is good for the rapacious Halliburton, the mercenary army of Blackwater and the Wall Street crooks. He talked about a new American spirit, a can-do spirit that will enable Americans to rise above the problems of the day. “It is this spirit that will enable us to confront these challenges with the same spirit that has led previous generations to face down war and depression and fear itself. And if we do — if we are able to summon that spirit again; if are able to look out for one another and listen to one another, and do our part for our nation and for posterity — then I have no doubt that, years from now, we will look back on 2009 as one of those years that marked another new and hopeful beginning for the United States of America.”

We in the Ethiopian Diaspora can also look to our history and “summon that spirit” that led us to defeat a mighty European colonial power twice and the spirit that helped us withstand great trials and tribulations in our history. We can summon that great spirit which just three years ago that led to the massive electoral victory of Kinijt in the first free election in the history of Ethiopia. Today, in the Ethiopian Diaspora we do not have a poverty of spirit, only of personal and political will. Let us make 2009 a new and hopeful beginning for Ethiopia.

We must urgently open dialogue on what is good for the country our children will inherit!

The Fierce Urgency of Now to Fight for the Ethiopian Dream!

As Barack Obama thoughtfully reflected on the situation in America, “Our problems are rooted in past mistakes, not our capacity for future greatness.” One can make the same argument for Ethiopians. We must not be prisoners of past mistakes; rather we should use genuine dialogue and consensus-building as weapons of liberation and transform ourselves into a mighty force of democratic change in Ethiopia. Eleanor Roosevelt said, “The future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams.” And our beautiful dream for the Ethiopia that our children will inherit should be one where the rule of law is woven into the fabric of the society and permeates the deepest recesses of the consciences of every Ethiopian; where no person shall fear for their personal security and liberties; where government fears the people and the people hold government on a short leash; where rights guaranteed by constitutional and international law are observed and protected; where judges are independent of political control and perform their duties with fidelity to the country’s constitution and laws; where elections are free, fair and universal; where every man, woman and child shall have the freedom of opportunity; where there is full legal and social equality among men and women; where one’s ethnic, linguistic or regional origins are respected and protected by law; where the free press performs its natural office of informing citizens and serving as a watchdog on government corruption and abuse of power; and where no person will be imprisoned or persecuted because of their political ideas or beliefs.

These are my “beautiful dreams” for Ethiopia, as I hope they are for many Ethiopians in the Diaspora. That is why I have committed myself to the cause. I have no illusions about the enormity of the task and difficulty of the enterprise we are about to undertake. Some well-intentioned people might be skeptical of the call to dialogue and my urgent plea on behalf of this beautiful dream. They may consider it idealistic and impractical. No doubt, the wardens of Ethiopia Prison Nation, Inc., will laugh boisterously and wager our efforts will fail. As they have disdainfully questioned many times before, they will do so again: “How can they aspire to serious dialogue when they can not even talk to each other under ordinary circumstances?” Let them laugh. But we should not be discouraged in our efforts to form a united Ethiopian Diaspora voice for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. The true test of our success is in holding dialogue by putting the urgent needs of Ethiopia and Ethiopians above our own narrow interests. We must begin this dialogue with the fierce urgency of now. As we celebrate Dr. Martin Luther King’s birthday today, it is important for us to heed to his prophetic words: “We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time.” We must act now and begin the dialogue. Tomorrow is too late. That's why I am calling on all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to come together with the fierce urgency of now and act to rescue our country from chokehold of thugs.

Post Script: Doing Nothing is Not An Option!

We can’t afford to sit down with folded arms and wait for something to happen. We must act now as a unified Diasporic force. If we don’t, the nightmare of Zenawi’s brutal dictatorship could linger on for some time to come. In short, a bad situation could become dramatically worse. We did not arrive at our present predicament suddenly or by some accident of history. What we see today has been unfolding for the last 18 years. During this period, many Diaspora Ethiopians stood watching on the sidelines in silence, and did nothing. That option is no longer available to us.

We will come forward with specific and concrete proposals for a Diaspora Dialogue in the foreseeable future. For now, we plead earnestly with all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to close ranks, open hearts and minds, shake hands and prepare to get busy in 2009.

Sunday, January 18, 2009

US Senators write letter to zenawi.

WASHINGTON, DC20510 / January 16, 2008

His Excellency Meles Zenawi
Prime Minister, Ethiopia
c/o Embassy of Ethiopia
506 International Drive,NW
Washington, DC 20008
Dear Mr. Prime Minister,

us_senators.gif



We write to express our concern about several recent developments in your country, which we fear could make the important partnership between the United States and Ethiopia more difficult. We are deeply troubled that these events together appear to indicate an erosion of political freedom and the rule of law in Ethiopia.

First, we are concerned by the re-arrest of Unity for Democracy and Justice Party leader Birtukan Midekssa and reports that her life sentence in prison has been reinstated. As you know, a political opposition with the right to freedom of speech, press and association is essential to any vibrant democracy. We worry that Birtukan’s re-arrest signals your government’s waning commitment to those democratic principles. This is a disappointing signal in advance of your country’s elections next year, which we believe have great potential.

Second, we were disappointed to learn of the passage of your government’s law restricting civil society groups receiving more than 10percent of their funding from sources outside Ethiopia from doing any work related to human rights, gender equality, the rights of the disabled, children’s rights or conflict resolution. While we respect your government’s right to regulate non-governmental organizations operating within Ethiopia, we fear that as written, this law will undermine the important work done by many organizations in those respective fields. We hope you will ensure that the broad discretionary powers granted to the government by this law are not used as a political tool to impede the independence of civil society.

Third and finally, we are concerned by reports over the last year that several civil society leaders and traditional elders in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia have been detained for extended periods without charge and then tried without due process. Many of those arrested have reportedly been involved in important and much needed peace efforts in the region. We appreciate the fact that Ethiopia has legitimate security concerns in the Ogaden, but fear that this pattern of arrests, if true, risks exacerbating local grievances and contributing to radicalization rather than effective counter-insurgency and stabilization. As you know, civil society is a critical partner in the work of building peace, and we urge you to work with it as much as possible.

We feel strongly about the importance of our countries’ partnership and hope it will continue in the years ahead. That is why we are writing to you now to raise our concern about these troubling developments in your country that risk undermining democratic progress and the rule of law. If these trends persist, we believe they will have adverse impacts on our close relationship. We hope this is not the case and look forward to working together toward our shared goals of peace and prosperity.

Sincerely,

Russell D.Feingold
Chairman
Subcommittee on African Affairs
Committee on Foreign Relations
United States Senate

Patrick J. Leahy
Chairman
State & Foreign Ops Subcommittee
Committee on Appropriations
United States Senate

Johnny Isakson
Ranking Member
Subcommittee on African Affairs
Committee on Foreign Relations
United States Senate

Richard J. Durbin
Chairman
Human Rights & the Law Subcommittee
Committee on the Judiciary
United States Senate

CC: Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia Donald Yamamoto

Source

Tuesday, September 16, 2008

SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
    Congress makes the following findings:
      (1) Despite progress and an estimated annual growth rate of nearly 10 percent, Ethiopia remains one of the poorest and most famine-prone countries in the world, with more than half of the population of 78,000,000 living on less than $1 per day.
      (2) Since the collapse of the Derg and overthrow of the Mengistu regime in 1991, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)-led government has overseen the introduction of a multiparty system and the drafting of a new constitution that guarantees economic, social, and cultural rights and states that ‘human and democratic rights of peoples and citizens shall be protected.’
      (3) Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a bloody border war between 1998 and 2000, and, despite the Algiers Accord ending the conflict and the agreement to abide by the final and biding Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission (EEBC) arbitration, the Government of Ethiopia has refused to comply with the final physical demarcation of the border and the Government of Eritrea has virtually expelled the United Nations peacekeeping force, resulting in a high risk of renewed fighting and regional instability.
      (4) Following high turnout and marked improvement in pre-election campaigning and voting in the third general elections of the Government of Ethiopia held on May 15, 2005, widespread charges of violations in the finally tallying and inadequate response to opposition complaints resulted in observer findings that the elections failed to satisfy international standards.
      (5) Subsequent opposition progress led to a crackdown by EPRDF security forces in which 763 civilians were injured and 193 killed, and thousands more opposition party leaders and their followers were detained, 112 of whom were not released until the summer of 2007.
      (6) In its 2007 ‘Countries at a Crossroads’ report, Freedom House noted that ‘[i]ncreased threats to and violations of civil liberties were a consequence of the political tensions that sprang from the flawed 2005 elections.’
      (7) In December 2006, military forces of the Government of Ethiopia came to the aid of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government against the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and continue to serve as the primary security force for the United Nations-backed transitional government in Mogadishu.
      (8) Credible nongovernmental organizations report widespread violations of human rights and international law by the Ethiopian military in Mogadishu and other areas of Somalia, as well as in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia.
      (9) According to the Department of State’s 2007 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, ‘human rights abuses [in Ethiopia] . . . include: limitation on citizens’ right to change their government during the most recent elections; unlawful killings, and beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention . . . use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counter-insurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of the press; etc.’
      (10) The Department of State’s 2007 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices also stated that ‘[Ogaden National Liberation Front] ONLF forces . . . were responsible for widespread human rights abuses, including killings and the diversion of food supplies resulting in the displacement of thousands of persons.’
      (11) In June 2007, in response to this violence, including the deadly April 2007 attacks on a Chinese oil exploration site in the Ogaden and at a May 2007 political rally, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, announced that the Government of Ethiopia was launching a ‘political and military operation to contain the activities of the ONLF,’ which, according to credible reports, has resulted in the displacement of thousands of civilians to government-designated ‘protection zones,’ while thousands more have fled across Ethiopia’s borders.
      (12) Although the Government of Ethiopia has legitimate security concerns in the Ogaden, and, according to the Department of State’s 2007 Country Report on Terrorism, ‘Ethiopian forces [also] countered Somali-based extremists who attempted to conduct attacks inside Ethiopia,’ a number of credible media accounts, human rights organizations, and humanitarian agencies have documented the ENDF’s unjustifiably brutal tactics against its own citizens there, as has been previously been reported in other regions of the country including Oromiya, Amhara, and Gambella.
      (13) In May 2008, the Government of Ethiopia circulated a draft law that claims to be a tool to enhance the transparency and accountability of civil society organizations, but if enacted, is instead likely to create a complex web of onerous bureaucratic hurdles, draconian criminal penalties, and intrusive powers of surveillance that would further decrease the political space available for civil society activities.
SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY.
    It is the policy of the United States--
      (1) to support the efforts by the people and Government of Ethiopia--
        (A) to achieve a participatory multiparty democracy, an active and unhindered civil society, rule of law and accountability, judicial capacity and independence, freedom of the press, respect for human rights, and economic development; and
        (B) to combat extremism and terrorism in their country and the region;
      (2) to promote stability, democracy, accountability, social and economic development, human and political rights, humanitarian assistance, the rule of law and accountability, and counterterrorism efforts in Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa;
      (3) to seek the unconditional release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia;
      (4) to prohibit United States funding to any unit of the Ethiopian security forces if there is credible evidence that a unit of the security forces has committed gross violations of human rights, unless the Secretary of State has determined and reports to the appropriate congressional committees that the Ethiopian government is taking effective measures to bring the responsible members of the security forces unit to justice; and
      (5) to contribute to regional peace and stability by urging the Government of Ethiopia to comply with the EEBC arbitration decisions on border demarcation, urging the Government of Eritrea to permit a United Nations peacekeeping presence, and pressing both Governments to ensure that they are playing a productive role in helping to bring about stability along the border and throughout the Horn of Africa, including in Somalia.
SEC. 4. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
    It is the sense of Congress that the United States Government should--
      (1) build on successful diplomatic efforts that contributed to the October 2007 release of political prisoners in Addis;
      (2) urge the Government of Ethiopia to protect the constitutional rights and freedoms of all Ethiopian citizens;
      (3) encourage the Government of Ethiopia to enter into discussions with political groups interested in reconciliation in order to bring such groups into full participation in the political and economic affairs of Ethiopia;
      (4) call on the Government of Ethiopia to allow human rights and humanitarian groups and the media to undertake their work in all regions of Ethiopia without intimidation or harassment while ensuring they are protected from any threats regardless of their political affiliations;
      (5) encourage and assist the United Nations and other independent organizations and the media in investigating credible reports of grave violations of human rights or international humanitarian law, publishing any evidence of serious abuse, and sending strong and consistent messages to the Government of Ethiopia that the continuation of such violations or impunity for the perpetrators of crimes in the Ogaden region, Ethiopia more generally, or in Somalia carry consequences; and
      (6) encourage the Governments of both Ethiopia and Eritrea to take steps to lessen tensions, physically demarcate the border in accord with the EEBC decision, and promote normalization of relations between the two countries.
SEC. 5. SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN ETHIOPIA.
    (a) Authority- Subject to subsection (b) and notwithstanding any other provision of law, the President should take additional steps to support the implementation of democracy and governance institutions and organizations in Ethiopia consistent with the provisions of the Ethiopian Constitution of 1994 and related national law, including--
      (1) to support democracy development in Ethiopia, including developing the capacity of government and civil society organizations to undertake free, fair, and peaceful elections, strengthen good governance practices, and encourage transparency and accountability, in accordance with international norms and standards;
      (2) to support the autonomy and fundamental freedoms of national and international civil society organizations to effectively pursue these objectives without excessive government regulation or intimidation;
      (3) to promote and bolster the independence of the judiciary in Ethiopia, including developing capacity at the national, regional, and local levels;
      (4) to support programs to defend and protect the human rights of all the people of Ethiopia, especially women and minorities;
      (5) to expand programming of the Voice of America and other independent media in Ethiopia and ensure they are able to broadcast without interference;
      (6) to support efforts of the international community to gain full access to the Ogaden and other conflict-affected regions throughout the country to provide humanitarian and development assistance; and
      (7) to support a United Nations Special Envoy to launch a comprehensive dialogue process that seeks to bring about the normalization of economic and political relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea and works with the governments of both countries to address issues of stability both along their shared border as well as more broadly across the Horn of Africa, including in Somalia.
    (b) Authorization of Appropriations- There is authorized to be appropriated $20,000,000 for fiscal year 2009 to carry out this section.
    (c) Conditions-
      (1) IN GENERAL- Assistance provided pursuant subsection (b) shall be allocated and dispersed in a fully transparent manner.
      (2) CONGRESSIONAL NOTIFICATION- Funds made available to the Government of Ethiopia under subsection (b) and all other nonessential funds made available to the Government of Ethiopia under any other provision of law shall be subject to the regular notification requirements with respect to the appropriate congressional committees.
      (3) DISCONTINUATION IN EVENT OF GOVERNMENT OBSTRUCTION- The President shall cease the provision of assistance provided under subsection (b) if the Government of Ethiopia acts to obstruct such assistance.
    (d) Report- Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, and annually thereafter, the Secretary of State shall prepare and submit to the appropriate congressional committees a report that describes the activities undertaken pursuant to subsection (a), including a description of amounts committed, and the amounts provided, to Ethiopia during the reporting period.
SEC. 6. OFFSETS.
    Of the amounts available to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration for fiscal year 2009, $20,000,000 shall be available to carry out the provisions of this Act.
SEC. 7. DEFINITIONS.
    In this Act:
      (1) The term ‘appropriate congressional committees’ means--
        (A) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate; and
        (B) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives.
      (2) The term ‘non-essential United States assistance’ means assistance authorized under any provision of law, other than humanitarian assistance, food aid programs, assistance to combat HIV/AIDS and other healthcare assistance, and peacekeeping assistance.

      read more click on the link

      http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billtext.xpd?bill=s110-3457











Tuesday, May 27, 2008


Today's NEWS: Ex-dictator Mengistu faces death penalty in Ethiopia, Who is Next on line I hope it is going to be Meles Zenwaye?
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Ethiopia's Supreme Court has sentenced former Marxist dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam to death in absentia, after he was found guilty of genocide. The court followed the prosecution's request for tougher punishment, overturning a life sentence handed down in 2007.

Mengistu seized power in 1974 after the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie. Under Mengistu tens of thousands of Ethiopians were butchered, tortured or detained during the infamous "Red Terror" purges of the late 1970s. The former dictator fled to Zimbabwe in 1991, where he remains, after his 17-year Marxist regime was toppled by forces led by current Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

Friday, September 21, 2007

CUD

I don’t even take time to sort out their differences, they are even not a government yet, they are not even a solid and strong party yet, what are these disputes about?
What is going to happen if they become government? I guess you know what I am talking about. It seems to me that these trend will lead me somehow to lose my appetites for Ethiopian politics!
Well said professor United we stand, divided we fall!

Wednesday, August 15, 2007

The military
Strictly speaking, the Ethiopian armed forces are Tigrean no less than the TPLF is Tigrean. The following list makes this argument abundantly clear.
Ministry of Defense
* Commander of Ethiopian armed forces - Melles Zenawi (Tigrean)
* Defense Minister is a non-Tigrean, but this position is constitutionally manned by a civilian, not a military person
* Chief of Staff - Samora (Mohamed) Yunis (Tigrean)
* Department of Training - Major General Taddese Wored- (Tigrean)
* Department of Logistics and Administration - Major General Gezahi Abera - (Tigrean)
* Department of Operations - Brigadier General Gebrzgiabher Mebrhatu (Tigrean)
* Department of Military Intelligence- Brigadier General Yohannes (John) Gebre Meskel - (Tigrean) …. Recently appointed as Deputy Commander of Central Command. This Department will also be commanded by head of operations Brigadier General Gebrezgiabher Mebrhatu (Tigrean).
* Commander of the Air Force - Brigadier Molla H. Mariam (Tigirean)
Under the Ministry of Defense there are 5 Ethiopian Army Commanders.
* Northern Command (HQ Mekele) - Major General Seare Mekonnen (Tigrean)
* North Western Command (HQ Baher Dar) - Brigadier General Abraham Gebre Mariam (Tigrean)
* Special Army Command (HQ Dessie-Bure Front) - Birgadier General Teklai Ashebir (Tigrean)
* South Eastern Army Command (HQ Harar) - Brigadier General Seyum Hagos (Tigrean)
* Central Army Command (HQ Shire Indasilassie) - Major General Taddese Wored (Tigirean - Agaw). Recently, Brigadier General Yohannes G. Meskel also Tigrean.
The Ministry of Defense has 28 Division Commanders.
* All but one are Tigreans
Division Commands have 106 Regiments.
* 98% of the Regiment Commanders are Tigireans
It can be safely argued therefore, that there is no Ethiopian national army but Tigrean.


Read more
http://www.ethiopianreview.com/articles/977